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what plants were unintentionally brought to the americas in the 16th century?

17th-century surgeon seeks for medicinals on Jamestown Island in a detail from a painting by NPS artist Sydney King
17th-century Jamestown medico seeks native medicinals

item of painting from NPS artist Sydney King

"If there were any censor in men, it would make their harts to bleed to heare the pitifull murmurings and out-cries of our sick men. . . ." George Percy, Observations

Although Jamestown was far from a lone isle of sickness in the 17th century, the early on settlers seemed to have more than than their fair share of ill health. Poor diet, foul h2o and extremes of climate lowered their resistance; diseases ranging from smallpox to scurvy could comport them off easily.

The colonists were afflicted with actual suffering, but they fought back every bit all-time they could. From the employment of tried-and-truthful remedies to the introduction of local substances into the traditional pharmacopeia, physicians and laymen worked to control an bloodcurdling bloodshed rate.

Most European medicine upwardly until the Renaissance was based on Greek and Roman texts, particularly those of Hippocrates, Aristotle, Dioscorides and Galen. In improver to providing lists of found materials and their medicinal uses, these sources taught that illness was the effect of imbalance betwixt the 4 humors of the body (blackness bile, xanthous bile, phlegm and blood). They also stressed a reliance on theory rather that on direct observation.

Typically, a physician working in the Galenic tradition diagnosed a affliction by determining which humour was out of alignment. He then treated the condition by either removing an excess of one substance or attempting to augment a weaker ane. The erstwhile course was usually the approach of choice and attainable by either concrete or chemical ways. Venesection (bloodletting), sweating, baking or clystering (administering enemas) were mutual physical ways to balance a patient. By using powerful drugs, the sufferer could exist induced to sweat, drool, urinate, defecate, cry or vomit to remove an imbalanced sense of humour.

In addition to humoral theory, doctors could draw from a vast shop of aboriginal herbal knowledge, derived through a combination of empiricism and application of sometimes bizarre theories. Dioscorides' text describes over 500 plants and their uses.

Later the fall of the Roman Empire, monasteries and local healers kept medicinal herbal lore alive in Western Europe. In the Mediterranean regions, yet, Arabs dominated the culture in general and scientific thought in particular. When Crusaders from the West made contact with the Moslems, they "rediscovered" much lost learning, adding it to their more than limited lore.

Among its many contributions, Arabic medicine gave Western Europe a new text to railroad train physicians. Drawing heavily on the Greek and Roman sources mentioned above, ibn-Sina (Avicenna), a flamboyant and successful Arabian physician, stressed the reliance on theory over empirical observation. His Canon of Medicine was considered the highest medical authority until well into the 17th century.

Pharmacopeia was also altered by cultural contacts made during the Crusades. Heavily sweetened and spiced concoctions fabricated from exotic materials became popular, and distillation was employed for the first time to extract alcohol and essential oils. Opium came into employ in the due west. At the aforementioned time, all the same, the erstwhile-fashioned herbal lore practiced past laypeople fell out of favor with the professional medical customs, eventually coming to be seen as a threat to officially-sanctioned practice.

In the first half of the 16th century, there emerged from the alchemic tradition of Paracelsus an disfavor to Aristotelian traditions and the recognition that doctors should rely more upon their personal observation of illness than on ancient texts and theories. Paracelsus, a controversial Swiss philosopher and scientist, also introduced the use of metals such every bit mercury and antimony in treatment of illness.

Physicians had never dismissed the healing properties of common plants out of paw. By the reign of Elizabeth I, the knowledge of herbs was considered an indispensable role of the training of housewives, stockmen and doctors alike. The age of the herbal had begun. These books, which described botanicals and their usages, were oft beautifully illustrated and unremarkably drawn largely from earlier sources. The best-known herbals are those of John Gerard (published in 1597) and Nicholas Culpepper (published in 1648).

New knowledge in medicine came with the discovery of new curative substances in the Western Hemisphere. Colonists brought the onetime, familiar plants with them from home, but they were likewise willing to experiment with the unknown. Common remedies discovered during this time included tobacco (good for everything from worms to lung congestion), Peruvian Bark (from which is derived quinine, the anti-malarial medicine), sassafras (at some times worth its weight in gold, since it was considered a sovereign cure for syphilis) jalap and ipecac (both powerful purgatives).

Physicians, whose preparation required many years of report and a large greenbacks base, were few and, in any case, besides expensive for the average person to afford. Instead, many people consulted apothecaries, who, until the reign of James I, had belonged to the Company of Grocers. James created the Apothecaries' Society in 1617, and by 1634, over 150 apothecaries were licensed in London solitary. In addition to supplying drugs, these men also diagnosed and prescribed for illnesses. Even the less costly apothecaries were across the ways of the bulk of the population, notwithstanding, which relied on a local herb woman or cunning homo instead, with the occasional trip to the barber or surgeon for bloodletting or toothdrawing.

Production of plant-derived cures, whether by a physician, an apothecary or a layperson, could be a complex process. Some medicinal substances were imported from other countries. Others had to be gathered, either from the wild or the garden. Most colonists with a kitchen garden grew medicinal herbs such as hyssop, lavander, comfrey and fennel interspersed with the vegetables and flowers.

Timing was important in gathering botanicals considering weather, temperature, the time of mean solar day and the phase of the moon all were assumed to impact the potency of the drugs produced. Seeds, stems, leaves, bark, flowers and roots could all be used, depending on the plant and treatment. Most botanicals were air-stale, hung upside downwardly in a hot, dry place or cut into pieces and dried on screens.

Afterward the herbs were completely stale, they could exist transferred to opaque containers for longer storage. Whenever possible, the constitute material was left intact until actually needed for treatment; grinding or powdering tended to decrease its usefulness by dissipating essential oils.

Some medicines consisted of but one botanical, and were referred to as "simples." Compounds were combinations of inactive and at least two active ingredients.

Grooming methods varied also. Infusions were boiled for ten minutes over the fire to produce a stronger medicine. Decoctions were produced when boiling might destroy potency, combining the drug with hot water and leaving the mixture to steep for hours or sometimes days.

In some cases, the oils, resins or waxes of the institute were not water soluble and had to be dissolved in alcohol, resulting in a tincture. Syrups were produced when the constitute material was added to water, boiled downward and combined with a sweetener like dear which also acted as a preservative. Essential oils could exist extracted from botanicals by steam distillation or by soaking large quantities of the plant in pocket-size amounts of oil for a long fourth dimension. Pills were produced with the combination of active ingredients with a filler such as wax, staff of life dough or gum arabic.

Treatments could besides exist external. Creams and ointments were herbal oils combined with beeswax or fatty to produce a compound which was solid at room temperature. Compresses, poultices and plasters were plant materials applied externally, unremarkably in combination with oestrus or moisture.

Botanical remedies remained important medicinally. By the middle of the 19th century, organic chemists were beginning to isolate specific active ingredients in medicinal plants, but 80% of pharmaceuticals were nonetheless derived from botanical sources by 1900. This would soon change. Due to cost of production and storage, as well as the varied concentration of an agile ingredient from locale to locale and even from establish to constitute, drug companies full-bodied on replicating cheaper constructed versions of active ingredients. Although chemists take been largely successful, at to the lowest degree 25% of prescriptions filled by pharmacists today comprise agile ingredients from plants.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:
Clendening, Logan. Behind the Doctor.

Darlington, William. American Weeds and Useful Plants.

Gordon, Lesley. Greenish Magic.

Hughes, Thomas P. Medicine in Virginia 1607-1699.

Kowalchik, Claire and Hylton, William, editors. Rodale's Illustrated Encyclopedia of Herbs.

Miller, Johnathan. The Torso in Question.

Notestein, Wallace. The English People on the Eve of Colonization 1603-1630.

Thomas, Keith. Religion and the Reject of Magic.

Wilbur, C. Keith. Revolutionary Medicine.

Williams, Guy. The Historic period of Desperation.

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Source: https://www.nps.gov/jame/learn/historyculture/drug-production-in-the-seventeenth-century.htm

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